In its short tenure, President Donald Trump’s second administration has proposed a laundry list of cuts to education spending: the effective decimation of the U.S. Department of Education, including its key statistical and research functions; attempts to defund public schools over state athletic policies; cutting off federal research funds to universities; and the threatened, later rescinded, elimination of Head Start.
Amid this flurry of activity, one major potential shift in federal education policy has received little attention: the $0 budget line for adult education programs in Trump’s proposal for FY 2026.
Many people may be unfamiliar with adult education programs and the services they provide. These programs serve adult learners who aren’t part of the traditional K-12 or higher education sectors. There are two main constituencies: adult dropouts and others with skills below the high school leve,l and adults who lack English language skills.
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The roots of federally supported adult education stretch back to the Revolutionary War, when George Washington ordered chaplains to teach basic literacy to troops at Valley Forge. The modern system took shape under President Lyndon Johnson, whose 1964 Economic Opportunity Act established adult education as a pillar of his Great Society agenda.
Today, more than 1.2 million adults enroll in programs offered by libraries, school districts, community colleges, and nonprofits across all 50 states, D.C., and U.S. territories — at an average cost of just $2,000 a student, a fraction of K-12 or college education.
The Trump administration has already sought to withhold current funding for adult education, only to release the money along with other grants. It defends eliminating federal funding for adult education by claiming that K-12 improvements will make adult programs unnecessary and that existing efforts show “dismal results.” Neither claim holds up.
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The idea that stronger K-12 outcomes will erase the need for adult education ignores the millions of adults already outside that system. And while research is still developing, the best studies show clear benefits. In our own study of an adult ESL program in Massachusetts, participants saw earnings gains that led to increased tax revenues when compared to similar adults who applied to the program but did not win an enrollment lottery. The increased tax revenue more than covered the cost of the program, yielding an estimated 6% return to taxpayers.
Public adult education programs, as we know them, are highly dependent on federal funds. Federal funding represents a much larger share — about one third — of funding for adult education than for K-12 (about 10%), meaning cuts to federal revenue will hit this sector particularly hard.
Federal funding also provides incentives for investments in adult education by states, which are required to provide matching funds of at least 25%, a requirement most states substantially exceed. Moreover, the constituencies affected by these cuts will be geographically and politically broad: the target populations for these education services, low-skilled adults and immigrants, are concentrated or growing most rapidly in red states.
Trump’s proposed budget is now in the hands of Congress. As economists and researchers in the field, we envision a future where continued investment — and rigorous study — helps us better understand how adult education delivers value for individuals and society. But we already know enough to act. The evidence to date points clearly in one direction: Adult education works, especially for English learners. Congress should reject these proposed cuts and reaffirm its commitment to educational opportunity at every stage of life.
