By AMINU JAHUN
The oldest presidential and Africa’s largest democracies are being flung down the cliff, surprisingly not by the military, but by elected “democrats”. No sooner did Nigeria’s democracy take off after a long lull, than attempts to undermine it began.
Why should the legacy of the Washingtons, Jeffersons and Madisons- the American founding fathers and architects of the first presidential democracy in the world- be substantially rubbished two and a half centuries later in the United States? And why should the sacrifices of the pioneer Nigerian nationalists and the late General Musa Yar’Adua, Chief MKO Abiola, Kudirat Abiola, Alfred Rewane, Abubakar Rimi, etc, be neutralised by a democratic counter-revolution?
If corporate greed reinforced by the fascist mindset of the American conservative Republican fringe, underscores the desperation to dilute the imprints of the American founding fathers on American democracy, what could underscore the desperation of Nigerian progressives to recreate Nigeria’s democracy in its waspish image ?
If a political project becomes Orwellian and upturned the democratic relationship between the ruled and the rulers, ascribing the mastership of the Republic to the latter, and undignified servititude to the former, the relations could hardly be sustained without extraordinary measures by one of the parties.
The masters of the Republic have commodified the ballot, elections, and politics; made a non-participant in a primary election its judicial beneficiary; despite glaring electoral irregularities, incapacitated the Judiciary to invalidate any presidential election; exorcised the legislative spirit to checkmate the executive, and substantially divested the Judiciary of its impartial adjudicative functions.
Why should those with the political pedigree to deepen the democratic revolution of 2015, if that momentous political feat could be defined as such, become counter revolutionaries within a decade of taking power?
The counter-revolution forecloses the vistas opened by the 2015 Revolution for“any focused non-ruling party to confront and defeat a ruling party, planting political and electoral booby traps for the opposition to facilitate the progressives’ prolonged stay in power.
Poised for a democratic counter-revolution, the progressives have forgotten how they cajoled the electorate to vote them into power, how they spiritedly appealed to the democratic conscience of the nation to prevent the deployment of incumbency powers by the ruling party in the elections; how they reached outwards for transatlantic endorsements; how they threatened the ruling party with brimstone and fire, and how they politely solicited for donations from ordinary Nigerians to finance their campaigns in 2015.
But they are yet to forget the impartial election that made their 2015 victory possible. They are yet to forget how oppositional subnational clout improved their electoral prospects. Fearful of both, the progressives are exploring possible avenues to disempower the opposition from climbing any political ladder to win elections.
A decade after 2015, the progressives have turned away from the electorate; kow-towed to narrow economic, ethnic and political interests. Though desirous of external endorsements, they live in mortal fear of transatlantic rebuke due to their democratic transgressions. And with the vaults open 24/7 a day, they have become contemptuous of the poor and their miserly campaign donations.
Professor Chang could shed a little light on the counter-revolutionary tactic of the progressives. Chang posited that the developed nations impose irrelevant development models on other nations to prevent or delay their development by kicking away the development ladder.
Similarly, the Nigerian progressives are kicking away the political ladder they used to capture political power in 2015 by coercive, economic and political counter-revolutionary tactics. With its coercive resources, the progressive government could advisedly convince elected opposition figures to jump ship and join its party. Others could be enticed with fuel subsidy proceeds, and other carrots to dump their parties, and viable opposition parties are plunged into state sponsored perpetual conflicts. And a big electoral war chest is being raised from subsidy windfall and other sources to economically intimidate the less focused opposition parties, and prevent them from climbing any political ladder to win elections.
If those who made political careers out of the June 12 struggles could indulge in a democratic counter-revolution, eroding the gains of 2015, imposing a single party dictatorship on the nation, then former president Obasanjo’s third term bid – if it was nursed at all- could be excused as the gerontocratic delusion of grandeur of a mercurial statesman.
As American democracy is threatened by an insular White supremacist fascist backlash, Nigeria’s democracy is asphyxiated by a progressives political backlash baring dictatorial fangs. When the Nigerian progressives were opposed to IBB and PDP, they were more revolutionary than Marx, Engels and Washington. But after taking over power they became more counter-revolutionary than the Russian Mensheviks.
Since the opposition is the alternative political window of society, the people should rally round them to contain the democratic counter-revolution .
As the progressives once shouted: on June 12 we stand, and shouted again in 2015 : down with the PDP, they should be shouted down: renegades you never believed in June 12, you never believed in 2015, you never believed in political progress, you are political opportunists!
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