President Bola Tinubu’s recent dismissal of Fegho Umunubo, his Special Assistant on Digital and Creative Economy who worked directly under Vice President Kashim Shettima, has triggered a fresh wave of speculation about the power dynamics inside Aso Rock. To many observers, the terse announcement that came from the president’s office, rather than the vice president’s, is another sign of the long-standing tradition of keeping Nigeria’s second-in-command under tight control.
The Legacy of Obasanjo and Atiku
The roots of this tension go back to 2003, when President Olusegun Obasanjo reportedly had to make concessions to his then-deputy, Atiku Abubakar, to secure the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) ticket for a second term. Stories of Obasanjo being compelled to “bow” before Atiku to get the nomination were widely circulated in political circles and deeply resented by the president.
Determined to never be seen as subservient to his deputy, Obasanjo used his second term to clip Atiku’s wings. He insisted that the presidency would operate as a single entity, effectively subordinating the vice president. Within months, Garba Shehu—then Atiku’s spokesman and now remembered as Muhammadu Buhari’s media aide—was dismissed along with other loyalists of the vice president. By 2006, as Obasanjo’s succession plans unfolded, more of Atiku’s aides were fired, culminating in the failed attempt to dismiss Atiku outright.
That period set the precedent: aides of the vice president could be hired and fired at the president’s discretion, reducing the office to one that was visible but vulnerable.
Jonathan Under Yar’Adua
When Umaru Musa Yar’Adua came to power in 2007, his choice of Dr. Goodluck Jonathan as vice president was seen as a move to appease the Niger Delta, then still roiled by militancy. Jonathan initially enjoyed more room to maneuver than Atiku had under Obasanjo in the second term. He secured ministerial appointments, most notably his wife’s sister, Diezani Alison-Madueke, who subsequently made history as the first female Petroleum Minister.
Jonathan also influenced early Niger Delta policy, especially on amnesty and oil sector reforms. But as Yar’Adua’s health problems grew, power shifted to what became known as the “Katsina Cabal.” Jonathan found himself increasingly sidelined, with his Abuja profile dimming while he sought refuge in Port Harcourt, often hosted by Governor Rotimi Amaechi. By the time Yar’Adua’s illness worsened, Jonathan had become a marginal figure in his own government, despite holding the second-highest office.
Yet, when Jonathan eventually ascended the presidency after Yar’Adua’s death in 2010, he appeared to allow his vice president, Namadi Sambo, more latitude—perhaps reflecting his own bitter memories of being sidelined. Sambo operated with relatively little interference, though he never emerged as a major political force in his own right.
Osinbajo’s Rise and Decline
The coming of Muhammadu Buhari in 2015 brought Professor Yemi Osinbajo into the vice presidency. Marketed as the “brain box” of the administration, Osinbajo quickly distinguished himself with his technocratic style and legal expertise. When Buhari spent months in London receiving medical treatment, Osinbajo was formally made Acting President, a rare show of trust.
During that period, Osinbajo won applause for decisive actions, including economic interventions and a sense of urgency in governance. His most controversial move, however, was the sacking of Lawal Daura, Director-General of the Department of State Services (DSS), in August 2018. Although Osinbajo acted lawfully as acting president, the decision rattled Buhari’s inner circle.
The fallout was immediate: Buhari never again formally transferred power to Osinbajo during his absences. In his second term, Osinbajo’s influence was sharply curtailed, with key initiatives like the “TraderMoni” campaign moved to other hands. From being seen as a potential successor, Osinbajo became increasingly sidelined.
Tinubu, Shettima and a Familiar Script
Against this backdrop, Tinubu’s handling of Shettima is being closely scrutinized. Despite frequent international travels, Tinubu has not once ceded authority to Shettima as acting president—a departure from Buhari’s earlier practice with Osinbajo. Even within the country, Shettima’s representation of the president is often limited, fueling perceptions of distrust or marginalization.
The dismissal of Umunubo, therefore, is being read as more than a routine administrative decision. Abuja insiders say the aide had earlier been asked quietly to step aside over alleged misconduct but persisted, forcing the president’s office to act. Still, the symbolism of the announcement coming from Tinubu’s office rather than Shettima’s struck many as calculated, feeding rumours of a deliberate effort to undercut the vice president.
Political Undertones Ahead of 2027
The controversy is especially charged because of persistent speculation about Shettima’s future. Some whisper campaigns suggest he may not feature on the 2027 ticket, while others argue that northern political heavyweights are keen to re-negotiate power balances. Against this backdrop, every slight, every reshuffle, and every sacked aide is interpreted as part of a larger script.
Tinubu’s own words earlier this month complicate matters. In a birthday message to Shettima on his 59th birthday, the president had said:
“Every day, as Vice President, you have justified that choice by strengthening our work, bringing fresh perspectives, and upholding our commitment to Nigerians. Your dedication reassures me that I did not make a mistake in choosing you as my deputy.”
Those words raised Shettima’s stock, presenting him as a trusted partner. But Umunubo’s removal has been quickly seized upon by critics to argue the reverse—that Shettima remains vulnerable and expendable.
From Obasanjo’s humiliation of Atiku, through Yar’Adua’s cabal sidelining Jonathan, to Buhari’s quiet containment of Osinbajo, the pattern is unmistakable: Nigerian vice presidents are tolerated only when they stay firmly in line.
Tinubu’s presidency now appears to be following that same script. For Shettima, the danger is not just in the sacking of one aide, but in the narrative it reinforces—that the vice presidency in Nigeria remains an office of prestige but little power, one step away from the seat of authority yet often kept deliberately in the shadows.
As Abuja’s political class speculates about 2027, Umunubo’s dismissal may well be remembered not for the man involved, but for what it says about the fragile balance between Nigeria’s number one and number two. In Aso Rock, history has shown that vice presidents rarely win in that delicate dance.
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